The Debate About The Fall Of Rome History Essay

The Debate About The Fall Of Rome History Essay The debate about the fall of Rome and the way it happened is a centuries-old one and its vitality has been undiminished over the years. The traditional theory has the Roman Empire being violently overturned by barbarian Germanic tribes who started invading en masse during the last years of the fourth century. That wasnt the first time that the Empire had to deal with pressure on its borders, but this time it eventually collapsed because it had already declined as a civilization due to internal problems. The first scholar to support this line of thought was Gibbon in the late eighteenth century. His great, multi-volume, work goes by the title The Decline and fall of the Roman Empire, which speaks for itself as for its writers thoughts (?). He argued that the most important cause which brought about the end of the Roman Empire was the expansion and gradual predominance of Christianity. First, the new religion and the structures that came with it (such as the church and the monasteries) interfered with the distribution of wealth inside the Empire, by accumulating it in institutions that were inaccessible by the state.  [1]  Second, its pacifist ideology reduced the armys will to fight and its theology corrupted the classical ideals through the spread of superstition.  [2]   Another scholar arguing along the same lines was Rostovtzeff. He states the Late Empire was in retrogradation?, a sad and decadent remnant of its former self, partly because of the increase in absolutism during the reigns of Diocletian and Constantine and the emperors who succeeded them. Together with Gibbon, his arguments form the core of the traditional theory, which puts stress especially on the issue of decline as the main reason which made the disintegration of the empire, as a political entity, eventually inevitable.  [3]  Due to the work of these two scholars, the Fall of Rome has ended up being seen as something like the platonic idea of decline.  [4]   Along with the traditional theory, we should consider the work of a more recent scholar. Following the same methodological path as Rostovtzeff, Jones credited the barbarians with the destabilization and collapse of the Roman Empire. Their invasions, he argues, should be seen as a destructive agent which placed strain on the Roman administration.  [5]  At the same time, in a well-known passage, he speaks of a large part of the population that was consuming without producing anything, such as senators, soldiers and the clergy. These idle mouths, as he calls them, partly a result of barbarian pressure again, at least as far as the army was concerned, was the main reason for the economic waning of the Late Empire.  [6]   Jones contribution was twofold. To begin with, he proposed a new chronological period, extending further than 476, the date traditionally considered as signaling the moment of death of the Roman Empire. His ending date was 602, the year of the emperor Maurices death as he strongly believed that the Roman Empire continued its existence, albeit geographically diminished, in the East, at least until the advent of the Slavic tribes in the Balkans at the end of the sixth century.  [7]  This way, he managed to provide a connection between late- and post-Roman societies, hinting that there might have been a causal relation between the two.  [8]  Secondly, he breathed new life in a period that was all but put aside by his contemporaries as of not much particular interest and after him scholars gradually started to perceive the Late Roman Empire in its own right.  [9]   This was countered by traditionalists in 2005 with the publication of a book under the title The fall of Rome and the end of civilization. In this book, the author Bryan Ward-Perkins is arguing fervently that the fall of Rome was a violent experience for the people involved, which involved much bloodshed and catastrophe.  [10]  It was centered more on radical change than gradual transformation and was characterized by decline and resulted in a decline in civilized values which actually that a number of Roman cultural achievements were lost.  [11]   Although this view has its merits and should not be discredited without consideration, it needs to be examined carefully because it conceals the danger of oversimplification. First, it can be argued that the author has gone too far with his emphasis on violence and catastrophe. Violence, no matter how hard on a society, is not by principle an agent of radical change which rules out any chance of transformation. Human history is full of violence and it would be surprising if the fourth and fifth centuries did not involve any at all. Despite Ward-Perkins vivid depictions, much of what was considered Roman did not disappear with the Empire. Roman qualities, such as a literate culture, can be shown to have survived as late as the seventh century, proving that the devastating barbaric invasions did not actually have such a devastating effect after all.  [12]   Stemming from that, we should examine if there was a specific moment in time when Rome actually fell. If we cannot point out such an instance, then we should regard it as a more gradual process. Italy, for example, shows that society was able to maintain its order in the face of much devastation.  [13]  And if, as Ward-Perkins himself admits, there was no single moment, not even a single century of collapse  [14]  , then we should discard catastrophist theories as inadequate and try more. We should also keep in mind that the author comes from an archaeological milieu  [15]  and, as a result, most of his proof comes from the study of material evidence.  [16]  Archaeologists of the period tend to be advocates of the notion of decline more often than historians, mainly because such a decline is much more evident in the material remains of the Late Roman era.  [17]  In addition to that we have to be careful with the origin the evidence. In the case of Ward-Perkins, he doesnt hesitate to support his theory on data from Britain,  [18]  but Brittania (i.e. the part of Britain which was conquered by the Romans) had never been the archetypal Roman province. So Britain is far from being the typical example of what happened after the Romans had left the island, particularly given the fact that we can find other provinces of the Roman Empire, which shared a completely different fate, such as Egypt and Syria.  [19]  When talking strictly about the west, one has to be extremely cautious when trying to combine both the archaeological data with historical sources that might give the impression of continuity. One way approaches, such as the one only just discussed, will not do. Late Antiquity With good reason one might ask what the need of such a dramatic reassertion of the traditional view on the fall of the Roman Empire. The word traditional itself implies the existence of an opposite, neoteric theory. In 1971, Peter Brown published a book which defied all the assumptions of the traditionalist school.  [20]  His book The world of Late Antiquity: from Marcus Aurelius to Muhammad argues about continuity, transformation, cultural and religious renewal. The enthusiasm that the book was met with in academic circles, especially in the United States, resulted in the banishment of terms as catastrophe, change, crisis and decline.  [21]  Brown was influenced by the views of an earlier scholar, Henri-Irà ©nà ©e Marrou, who argued that late antique art had not deteriorated and that it should be looked at in its own terms. Brown was influenced by the work of Henri Pirenne. In his works the Belgian scholar supported that there was continuity to be found in terms of long-distance trade in the Mediterranean which was not affected by the barbarian invasions but collapsed with the great Arabic conquests of the seventh century.  [22]  Brown placed a new stress on the period resulted in a recent rethinking of Pirennes views through the prism of the newly proposed notion of continuity.  [23]   Finally, Brown could also be considered an influence because, as we saw earlier, he was the first to propose a causal connection between the Late Roman Empire and the post-Roman era. Thus, given the entailed predominance of continuity which was easily detected in themes such as art and religious belief, a new historical period has been founded with its own characteristics, that of Late Antiquity,  [24]  in which some of the basics of classical civilization still survived  [25]  . Its boundaries stress from the third to the eighth century, but they are still unfixed, with every writer proposing different dates, according to the issues they deal with. Brown relied heavily on the methods of historical psychology and psychoanalysis. This methodological innovation is a general trend among scholars of Late Antiquity, particularly those in the United States. They have more or less identified themselves with the kind of history that falls outside the scope of socio-economic history. For example, the history of Christianity has proven very fertile for studying Late Antiquity, especially the effects it has had on different aspects of human life, such as death, sexuality and the family.  [26]  Thus, this school of thought has made astonishing contributions in such fields as gender and culture history, the history of mentalities and of popular belief. Such methods, however, often tend to function with no respect to periodization and as such they lead to fragmentation.  [27]   Indeed, the work of these scholars shows more emphasis towards individuals and their perspectives than to the society they live in.  [28]  As a consequence, post-modernist theories concerning source analysis have relied heavily on the works of scholars after Brown, while, in the meantime, the old philological approach has been largely abandoned. Ancient texts are dealt with not so much for their narrative value, but as agents the mentality of their authors.  [29]  Of course, works exclusively focused on different authors have a lot to offer to the ongoing discussion of the period, but dogged commitment to them might create a handicap for our understanding of the period as a whole.  [30]   Furthermore, partly as a response to the traditional view of catastrophe, scholars of Late Antiquity have been particularly keen on seeing continuity and transformation. But this attitude can be harmful in two ways. First, the notion of continuity seems to have an overshadowing effect on the particularity of issues in a certain period. If everything is proven to carry on from the past not changed in the least, then historical periods will automatically lose their individual tone, by which it is defined.  [31]  Simultaneously, by relying to heavily historical sources (as they provide ampler evidence for continuity) we may be overturned by the findings of archaeological research (in the way Ward-Perkins was). Second, emphasis on continuity and transformation is the expulsion of their opposites from contemporary history books. Terms such as crisis and decline seem to have been anathematized in modern research and this has started to raise objections, even by scholars who are not polemicists of continuity itself.  [32]  Powerful words like these falling into disuse can only be detrimental for historiography. These terms are usually avoided because of their moral implications, and it is somehow assumed that if there is decline someone needs to be charged with it.  [33]  But we always have to bear in mind that history is a science and historians should concentrate purely on the facts of their research. Nevertheless, Late Antiquitys impact shouldnt be confined within strict scientific limits. Continuity along with transformation, apart from being objects of historiographical debate, is also too powerful of terms to be overlooked by contemporary politicians. From 1993 to 1998 a large research project, funded by the European Science Foundation (ESF), brought together scholars from across Europe. Its title was Transformation of the Roman World and its aim was to provide a widely accepted interpretation of the fall of Rome, along the lines of a smooth passage to what was to become todays Europe.  [34]  Two thousand years after Augustus history is being repeated: the European Union is commissioning its poets to create its own foundation myth. Late Antiquity is a new period that has had to carve its way bravely into powerful, deep-rooted views of modern historiography, much like the barbarians who had to carve their kingdoms fighting against the mighty Roman Empire. But unlike the former, somewhere along the way it had to make sacrifices which rendered it less effective as a means of interpretation and more limited in its scope. Also, it came to associate itself with allies with political agendas, who might have promoted it, but in the long term damaged somewhat its credibility in terms of objectivity. After all that, it is not surprising that Avril Cameron, a great advocate of the Brown school, herself admits Late Antiquity is in danger of having become an exotic territory, just before suggesting that it should be tested also in the fields of economic and administrative history.  [35]   Pekepersonal thekerkerethoughts-synthesis/LA+med west Thus far, weve witnessed in brief a powerful debate: Ward-Perkins book came as a vivid reaction to a whole school of thought formed around Browns work, which itself was another dramatic response to an older tradition. But extremism is inherent in violent reactions, because only through opposition one side can define itself and stand out in relation to its adversaries. Naturally, the existence of opposition itself should not lead us to believe that one side is absolutely right, while the other is absolutely wrong (and in most cases they are not). Rather, it should direct us towards an evaluation of the new conclusions that emerged from the conflict and setting the problem on a new base. However, it should be noted that both books have something in common: they are heavily focused on different geographical areas, where their conclusions seem to be more frequently affirmed. This way, Brown was able to find plenty of continuity in the eastern part of the Empire, while Ward-Perkins discovered a great deal of catastrophe in its former western provinces. As Jones had underlined long before those two, historians often tend to forget that only a part of the Roman Empire actually fell to the barbarians.  [36]  So, nothing would be amiss if things were so well defined, but they are not. And although it seems that Late Antiquity is better suited for early Byzantine history, there are also those medieval scholars who deem it rewarding to try their hand at the concepts that this new approach brought with it. Late Antiquity and early medieval history One of these was jean claude van dam (the muscles from brussels) mouahahhahahaha Late Antiquity and the barbarians The exclusion of notions of violence and catastrophe from the debates concerning the fourth and fifth centuries, which Late Antiquity scholars promoted, created a historiographical vacuum and a way had to be found for depicting the relations between the Roman Empire and the new arrivals. If violence could not be used to describe them, then the sources had to be searched for a different sort of evidence. The subsequent reexamination of the sources gave birth to the notion of accommodation. The first scholar to do that was Walter Goffart. In a well-known book,  [37]  published in 1980, he described in detail the way that the barbarians were settled on Roman lands. According to Goffart a fairly straightforward arrangement between the late Roman administration and the barbarian tribes can be derived from the sources. The critical feature of this arrangement was that the Empire relinquished its rights on the taxation of the region in which a group of barbarians were settled and instead those taxes would be collected by the barbarians. However, according to this theory, there was no expropriation of land, no partition of it to smaller units to be apportioned and no need for extra money from the tax payers.  [38]  The only one who had something to lose in the process would be the central administration and this definitely helps explain the fact that there is no sign of any noteworthy resistance from the local population in the regions where the barbarians were settle d in this way.  [39]   The aforementioned theory was further elaborated by Durliat. After analyzing the sources rigorously, he managed to take Goffarts theory one step further. He argued that land tax in the Late Roman Empire amounted to no more than 20% of the harvest and it was collected and administered by the curiales. They split it in three and kept one third for their citys expenses. The other two thirds were then sent to Rome to be used for the needs of the army and the central administration. With the advent of the barbarians, this system was very conveniently transformed to accommodate them: the curiales no longer sent anything to Rome but instead conferred the appropriate amount to the barbarian group that happened settle in their citys administrative region. Furthermore, he argued that this modus operandi continued unaffected after the fall of the western Roman Empire, in the different successor-states, until the collapse of the Carolingian Empire.  [40]   This theoretical synthesis was attractive to scholars, not only due to its clarifying simplicity and astonishing applicability, but also because it served to explain the lack of any negative sentiment in the sources. The importance of it becomes clearer, if we take under consideration that actually there were complaints on the part of the sources, wherever the barbarians had not settled peacefully but by force.  [41]  As we saw earlier, the curiales were unconcerned if two thirds of the land tax changed recipients, as long as they were still obtaining their part undiminished. One can easily imagine the effect that this argument had on the debate on continuity, especially since it was centered on Western Europe. Of course, this theory didnt fail to raise some eyebrows. Liebeschà ¼tz criticized Durliats arguments on a twofold basis. First, he doubts that late Roman cities actually collected for themselves any part of the imperial taxes and second, he argues quite convincingly that such an agreement would eventually provide little actual security to the settling barbarians, as security is usually better ensured through direct property of the land, than through any fiscal rights. Whats more, it seems perfectly reasonable to assume that it was exactly this security that the barbarians were looking for and of course, their position of power during the last centuries of the Roman Empire made sure that they were not likely to settle for anything less.  [42]   Moreover, Durliats theory was commented on further in an article in 1998.  [43]  There, Wickham analysis Durliats arguments and dismisses them one by one. Initially, he disagrees that the strict fiscal meaning which the latter ascribes to terms such as possessors and fundus is actually the one intended by the legislators of the fourth and the fifth century and in so doing he undermines the theory from the beginning. But he goes on to challenge other aspects such as the idea that Church constituted a part of the state administration in the post-Roman kingdoms (and thus church property consisted only of fiscal lands) and the view that servus is the term used to suggest a free landowner. By providing hard evidence following the chronological order (Late Empire, Romano-Germanic Kingdoms, Carolingian Empire), Wickham manages to discredit convincingly the arguments about fiscal continuity throughout this period. But, it should be noted that in the end of his article, where he discusses briefly the issue of continuity, he states that while he is not averse to it himself, it should not be considered tantamount to complete absence of change.  [44]   However, the predominance of continuity does not sit well with terms like barbarian invasions and Germanic immigration. So, historians had to find ways to circumvent this problem; they started by looking at the ethnic identities of the Germanic peoples, because it could be argued for example that there was no clear-cut sense of common identity between barbarian groups, such as the Goths, or some common characteristics that defined Germanic then it would be possible to downplay the importance of the aforementioned terms. This way, Late Antiquity affected another heated debate (and in the meantime was affected by it); that of European national identities. The contribution of Walter Goffart has been essential at this point. Apart from fiscal continuity, in his Barbarians and Romans, he was also arguing about against the existence of definite ethnic identities among the barbarians. Another centuries-old historiographic tradition before him interpreted the movements of the Germanic tribes according to contemporary political ideas.  [45]  For example, before the Second World War, Kossina had argued that there was a separate, identifiable culture to be associated with every Germanic tribe we come across in the sources and in 1961 Wenskus had maintained that there was a core of tradition carried by the elite of each barbarian group, according to which the whole mass of the tribe was defined.  [46]  But, according to Goffart migrations have served as the factual underpinnings of early Germanic unity.  [47]  Thus, if he could prove that no such unity actually existed, the migration and invasion theories would lose all sense. Indeed, he argues for a short history of these peoples oblivion was a result of translocation. The common past of these peoples at any point stressed as back as the time before their last migration.  [48]  He refuses to use sources of the sixth century such as Jordanes because, in his opinion, they only reflect the ideas of their own times and cannot be trusted for their evidence of the distant past.  [49]  Finally, after taking under consideration also the deductions of archaeological research, he thinks that, if one wanted to look at the discontinuity provoked by the advent of the barbarians, he should definitely put the emphasis on Rome and its security. It was the appeal that the Empire had on the barbarians and not their own expansionist agendas that brought about the fall, in an imaginative experiment that got a little out of hand.  [50]   It is therefore clear that Late Antiquity has given historiography of ethnic identities new areas of research to explore. This process gets even more complicated with the interference of modern international politics and historians of the Early Middle Ages recently find themselves and their research at the center of contemporary political debates  [51]  . One can discern a pseudo-history in the making, which serves political and nationalistic purposes in the sense that it tries to define distinct nations that were created centuries ago once and for all. Another assumption is that by right these nations should form separate political entities, according to their defined ethnicity and territory.  [52]   To sum up, the search for continuity of the Late Antique scholars might not have been successful in the field of fiscal policies and accommodation but it ascertained the fact that we cannot presume long histories and ethnic identities of the Germanic peoples. This certainly confirmed transformation instead of catastrophe and crisis for some aspects of the fourth and fifth centuries but it surely proved that there was much discontinuity and heterogeneity concerning the notion of identity.  [53]  And since the Early Middle Ages are of such a great importance in the international political stage, scholars of the period should benefit from the results of research in this field in order to prevent their academic field from becoming a plaything in the hands of international politics. (à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦Projecting their own experiences on another period of time (as historians often do)

Living with Asthma :: Medical Medicine Respiratory Essays

Living with Asthma missing works cited The weather in Boston is just beginning to feel cooler as Maeve Vaillancourt, a Northeastern University sophomore rushes to her first class of the day. Although she is already behind schedule, she huddles in a corner to take a dose of her Abuterol inhaler, then finishes her ten-minute walk and slips into class late. â€Å"I hate taking my inhaler in public, because it is embarrassing, but after quick walks like that, I need to or else I feel as if I can’t breathe,† said Vaillancourt. Vaillancourt has been suffering from asthma since she was diagnosed at the age of 9. She is one of 18.2 million adults age 18 years and older with this illness according to the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality. Over seven million children ages 0-17 have asthma. Asthma is a chronic disease of the respiratory system that leads to inflammation of the bronchial tubes, resulting in difficulty carrying air to the lungs. Asthma greatly affects an individual’s breathing, and can place severe restrictions on daily life. During asthma attacks, which may be triggered by weather, allergens, exercise, the individuals’ ability to breathe becomes difficult. As a young, active college student, Vaillancourt’s battle with asthma plays a role in her day-to-day life, beyond just her walks to class. â€Å"I don’t think of inhalers as medicine. I bring it out everywhere; itis like a wallet, or cash,† said Vaillancourt, who suffers from mild asthma. â€Å"If I don’t bring it out, I panic and actually make my asthma worse.† Like most who suffer mild asthma, Vaillancourt is prescribed two inhalers. One is a preventative inhaler, Advair; and the other is her emergency inhaler, Albuterol. Advair is used to prevent an attack from occurring. It contains the steroid, fluticasone, which prevents inflammation that leads to asthma attacks; and salmeterol, which is abronchodilator, to relax muscles to improve breathing.Albuterol is also a bronchodilator, used to treat bronchospasms as they are occurring. Vaillancourt takes Advair, her preventative inhaler, and once in the morning and once before she goes to bed, as well as before exercising. Although she knows it is important Vaillancourt said she â€Å"often has trouble remembering and keeping up with taking the inhaler.† Vaillancourt has noticed that since she has been living in Boston and consistently walking, especially in cool weather, she is more likely to remember her inhalers since she is more likely to need them.

Freedom of speech Essay

Freedom of speech and the liberty to uphold oneÂ’s expression has long been the subject of many debates. It has taken centuries if not years for mankind to come to a point where many can easily voice their opinions without having to ponder over the consequences. But one should always know where to draw the line. Freedom of expression also needs to have its limits. Two of the masterminds who put forth their work on liberty and freedom of speech were John Stuart Mill and Jean-Jacque Rousseau. The concepts penned by Rousseau contradict those that were constructed by Mil; while the former focused on the functioning of the society as a whole, the latter advocated the rights of the individual to his freedom. Mill basically argument in his piece ‘On LibertyÂ’ allows for Utilitarian approach. His main idea was to give society and human nature a complete independence to mature and expand in infinite ways and direction. The main idea revolved around the kind of power that can be placed upon the individual by the society, and how that power was wrong unless exercised in self-defense. In particular, minorities were often the ones being oppressed. Mill pointed out that this tyrannical behavior was being supported by the major thinkers of that day. Public opinion followed the opinion of these thinkers and hence ended up doing the same. ‘On LibertyÂ’ sought to diminish the power the society had over an individualÂ’s freedom by giving that individual the freedom of speech. It was identified through the works that most people had precedent and preference which further provoked dissent and thus pressurized people. Mill also noted that there was no way of judging people on their inte rference into another personÂ’s private affairs. MillÂ’s idea of complete and total independence from society is contradicted in RousseauÂ’s works ‘The Social Contract,Â’ according to which man was restricted by the state and society that he existed in, once he became a part of the land he gave up the right to himself; society had a right upon the individual which he agrees to when he chooses to exist within a given society. This, he believed, was done for the greater good of the entire society; thereby his main focus was the society and not the individual, unlike Mill. For Rousseau, society itself was like a collective individual and that collective entity was sovereign and not a singular entity. He  allowed for individuals having their own aims and goals, but asserted that the will of the collective paved way for the greater good. By this definition he gives the society the power to act for the greater good and confirms that authority as absolute. He even goes as far as to recommend the death penalty for anyone who goes against this norm. Their ideas give us two different facets of life. Should one speak oneÂ’s mind or work for the greater good of the society?Mill believed in supporting diversity while condemning conformity by rejecting any form of manipulation that could be applied to a personÂ’s opinion or behavior. It was the revolutionary authorÂ’s belief that liberty forms the basis of much of the social progress that takes place. Through ‘On Liberty,Â’ it is asserted that freedom of speech is important primarily because to begin with, the opinion which most find disdainful maybe the correct one. Secondly, even if one voices a direly disproportionate view, refuting it will only help strengthen the general understanding of the topic amongst the masses. It was MillÂ’s belief that by continuously voicing thoughts, ideas and questions people kept society moving and defied stagnation. ‘The Social Contract,Â’ on the other hand goes onto state that the authority the ruler has over the state is like that of the father over his child. There is literally absolute control. Through RousseauÂ’s argument we are told that the mighty are the fittest to lead and decide what is best for the entire society. The wellbeing of the society depends on it functioning as one body, mind and soul. Each individual is part of the grand scheme which is built around the orders of the sovereign i.e. the rulers of the state. Mill charted three categories of freedom and asserted that the society was to abide by all three, if it were a free society. The first was freedom of thought and opinion, the second being the right to plan oneÂ’s life and future and the third to associate with other individuals on mutual grounds. The main idea behind this was that one should be able to pursue their own whims without hurting others in the process. Rousseau also has three implications of the contract. The first one being the fact that the conditions of the contract are same for everyone which is why everyone will collectively make it easier for everyone else to follow, secondly an individual cannot stand against the authority because he has given up that  right because he is a part of the state, and lastly, there is completely equality ergo the natural freedom that people enjoy stays intact, regardless of the social contract. It was in the ‘Discourse of InequalityÂ’ that Rousseau observed of inequality that the powerful has the choice between giving the masses an equal piece of the pie or letting the masses rot while they took everything for themselves. He was not an advocate of the powerful; he merely illustrated how the meek must always follow them because they have no other choice. The problem with RousseauÂ’s approach is that it completely rejects the claim that minorities or small groups may have on the society. If the masses chose to, they can quite literally annihilate any small sects that they wish without as much as a blink of an eye. In this regard, we are forced to side with MillÂ’s argument. However, ‘On LibertyÂ’ has its own faults because it focuses too much on the individualÂ’s needs without paying much heed to the society. Mill believed that the only instance where any one person or the society itself was justified in interfering with someoneÂ’s freedom was for their own self-preservation. In this way MillÂ’s only restriction on liberty was when it ended up harming other people, for which he advocated restraint. He was against the idea that meddling in someoneÂ’s affair. Diversity was not something to be toyed with, but the right to liberty was to be treated with respect. One has to also note that much of MillÂ’s work is at times vague on the limitations that can be placed on an individual. Another weak point is his extreme emphasis on the individual and not creating a balance between the individual and the society. While the individual was required to support the society he/she lived in, that by no means gave society any right to probe into their matters. As stated in the ‘Discourse of Inequality,Â’ “The difference between good and bad men is determined by public esteemÂ… The rank of citizens ought, therefore, to be regulated, not according to their personal merit Ââ€" for this would put it in the power of the magistrate to apply the law almost arbitrarily,” this shows that he believed that individuality would only hinder the laws that had been catered to the society as a whole. If each person was to be accounted for then the whole as Rousseau saw it, would come to a halt. Both authors present two extreme ways of life. while one advocates complete and total freedom, albeit not at the expense of others, the other goes on to suggest that freedom is restricted only is what the choices someone more powerful has selected for the majority. For freedom of speech both arguments do not fit. There needs to be a balance between the two. One cannot allow complete and total freedom of speech because inadvertently, whether it was intended or not, an individual may end up harming the society he/she lives in. If everyone began to voice a million different point of views at the same time there wouldnÂ’t be diversity, there would be chaos. Similarly, if the entire society was to follow the whims of a few men and women then society will not be able to move on. New ideas would never develop; people would never gain knowledge because knowledge would itself become restricted. Someone needs to stop talking to allow for the silence that precedes anotherÂ’s idea. History shows us that without speaking oneÂ’s mind, no real revolutions would have taken place, that being said, history also shows us how massive panic can sweep nations because of the freedom of speech that was given to the people. A balance between the two is needed. Social responsibility needs to be practiced with the freedom of speech; the two should be taken as a packaged deal and not separately. Works Cited Rousseau’s ‘Social Contract’Rousseau’s ‘Discourse on Inequality’Mill’s ‘On Liberty’

Code Of Ethics And Guidelines For Professional Practice Essay

If faced with a problem or issue, in a perfect world, an interpreter would be able to refer to the Association of Visual Language Interpreters of Canada’s (AVLIC) Code of Ethics and Guidelines for Professional Practice (2000), and reach a straightforward resolution based on its tenets. While, ideally, this â€Å"code of conduct [†¦] fosters a standard of behavior so consumers know what they can expect when similar situations arise, regardless of who the interpreter may be,† (Humphrey Alcorn, 2007, p. 302) ethical dilemmas that may arise before, during, and after assignments do not always have clear cut resolutions. At times, interpreters have to make â€Å"moment-to-moment† (Dean Pollard, 2011, p. 160) decisions that require not only an adherence to the AVLIC tenets, but also the acknowledgement that interpreters work with unique individuals in unique, ever-changing situations. Interpreting is a practice profession, meaning that an interpreter must deal wi th â€Å"consideration of one’s professional role and one’s professional responsibilities,† (p. 160) while also recognizing â€Å"the unpredictable nature of people and associated context-based decision challenges† (p. 156) that arise. In the scenario for this paper, I have agreed to interpret for a Deaf friend. She informs me that she has contracted AIDS, and needs a trustworthy interpreter so the information will not spread to the community. Upon attending the appointment, I come to realize that her list of previous sexual partnersShow MoreRelatedEthical Case Study Of The Case Of James A 25 Years Old Caucasian Female Intern1539 Words   |  7 Pagescredential as a licensed professional counselor after his name since she is supervising him. James feels comfortable with this idea because he will be a graduate within nine months from now. James and the clinical supervisor violated ACA code of ethics C.4.a. 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